Swearing-in 104th Congress - January 4, 1995
“CONSTITUTING
AMERICA” SERIES ON CONGRESSIONAL HISTORY
Newt Gingrich is
the most consequential Republican Speaker in history. He revitalized
a failed Republican Party, forging the first GOP Congressional
majority in forty years.
During his
tenure, Gingrich revolutionized House operations, including bringing
the Legislative Branch into compliance with all federal laws.
Republican
Speakers have a rich history of shaping Congress. Two of the three
House Office Buildings are named after Republican Speakers. Rep.
Joseph Cannon (R-IL) remains the single most powerful Speaker in
House history (1903-1911). Rep. Nicholas Longworth (R-OH) broke with
Teddy Roosevelt to defend the Republican Party in the 1912 election
and then broke with President Herbert Hoover to defend American
taxpayers against the growth of big government (1925-1931).
Rep. Thomas Reed
(R-ME) comes closest to Gingrich’s impact on the Legislative
Branch. Reed was known for his communication ability, and his mastery
of parliamentary procedure. As speaker (1889-1891/1895-1899) he
mustered both of these skills to bring the House of Representatives
back into alignment with the original rules written by Thomas
Jefferson. Many consider his success assured the “survival of
representative government”. [1]
Newt Gingrich
was born and raised in Georgia. His early career as a professor of
history and geography at the University of West Georgia well prepared
him for the many times he would reference America’s founding
principles during his political career.
In 1978,
Gingrich became the first Republican to win Georgia's 6th
Congressional District. Once in office, he learned parliamentary
combat and the power of well-timed words from Rep. John Ashbrook and
the conservatives of the Chesapeake Society. [2]
When
many of Chesapeake
conservatives followed
President Reagan into the Executive Branch, Gingrich formed the
“Conservative Opportunity Society” (COS). This became
a rallying point for those wanting to
make the House Republicans stand for something. [3]
COS
members took the skills learned from Rep. John Ashbrook and the older
conservative “street fighters” and added their own knowledge of
using the media. Live coverage of House sessions had only been
available to cable television audiences since March
1979 when CSPAN began to broadcast the House signal.
Through
ingenious use of the one-minute speeches, that led the daily
sessions, and the special orders, which ended the legislative day,
Gingrich and the COS began to build a television audience. In the
days before Rush Limbaugh and other conservative media personalities,
the COS shows obtained a conservative “cult” following. The COS
members became popular icons to a new generation of young
conservative activists. Speaker O’Neill, in an attempt to humiliate
the COS, ordered the House cameras to show the empty chamber that the
COS was addressing late at night. This only added to the COS mystique
as activists outside of Washington saw the empty chamber as a
metaphor for COS members standing courageously alone against the
powerful forces of big government.
In
1988, Gingrich launched an ethics complaint against then House
Speaker Jim Wright (D-TX). He questioned the financial arrangements
around Wright’s book, Reflections of a Public Man.
Controversy swelled around Gingrich as Democrats attacked him for
similar problems with his own 1977 book deal. Such attacks only added
to Gingrich’s following among “grassroots” conservatives
outside of Washington, DC.
The election of George Bush as president in 1988 led to a historic opportunity for Gingrich. Rep. Dick Cheney (R-WY) had been tapped to become Secretary of Defense. This happened in the wake of the unsuccessful confirmation fight for former Senator John Tower
(R-TX). With Cheney leaving the Minority Whip’s position in March 1989, the opportunity presented itself for a conservative insurgency against Michel’s candidate, Rep. Edward Madigan (R-IL).
Madigan
had been the chief deputy minority whip and was viewed as the natural
successor to Cheney. Republicans tended to reward people in turn and
to shy away from insurgency candidates. This tradition of planned
succession was symbolized by having conservative Rep. Tom Delay
(R-TX) act as Madigan’s campaign manager against Gingrich.
On
March 22, 1989, the tradition was shattered as Gingrich was elected
by a two-vote margin. “The issue is not ideology; it’s active
versus passive leadership,” said Rep. Weber. [4]
Gingrich immediately set about reshaping the opposition of the House. Along with the organizational resources of GOPAC, his personal political action committee, Gingrich built what became know as “Newtworld”. Joe Gaylord, Gingrich’s top lieutenant and then head of GOPAC, ran this interlocking structure behind the scenes. Dan Meyer moved from Gingrich’s personal office to head the Whip’s office. Tony Blankley, a veteran of the White House and active member of various conservative networks during the Reagan years, became the spokesman. A GOPAC consultant, John Morgan, an expert at tracking polls, began weekly assessments of how this new operation, and its aggressive strategy, were working.
The new organization moved the COS’s combative style to center stage. There were weekly “themes” for Members to focus on. This meant floor speeches backed up by fact sheets and talking points that Members could use back in their districts. An “echo-chamber” of opposition, linked to conservative grassroots groups, was becoming a machine. Its goal was to topple the Democrats in 1992 or ’94.
The
elections of 1992 disappointed some House Republicans who had hoped
for more voter outrage over the scandals of the 102nd Congress. The
Republicans were left to ponder both their minority status in the
House, and having to deal with a Democrat in the White House.
On December 7, 1992, the Republicans met to sort out their leadership in the 103rd Congress. Michel remained a declining figure among the insurgent House Republicans, but his popularity gave him another two years as minority leader. Gingrich would have to run his opposition effort as Minority Whip. However, Gingrich’s strategy of aggressive opposition received another major boost. Rep. Richard “Dick” Armey (R-TX) defeated Rep. Jerry Lewis (R-CA) for Chairman of the Republican Conference. Another moderate/nonconfrontationalist was defeated and another conservative in favor of total warfare with the House Democrats was elevated to a key leadership position. [5]
Bolstered at the
top by Gingrich and Armey, and by Rep. Jim Nussle’s (R-IA) House
Reform group - the “Gang of Seven”, the COS, the 103rd Congress
witnessed daily exposes of Democrat scandals and malfeasance.
On September
27,1994, Gingrich launched the first “European-style”
parliamentary election, by crafting the “Contract with America”.
For the first time in American history, a party ran its Congressional
candidates based on an inspirational and visionary manifesto.
The “Contract
with America” ignited the Republican base, leading to a 54 seat
swing propelling the Republicans into power for the first time since
1954.
As Speaker,
Gingrich drove the House’s agenda to pass the major elements of the
“Contract” within 100 days. This was accomplished. However,
Senate inertia and President Clinton’s vetoes prevented most of the
“Contract” from becoming law.
Two “Contract”
items did become reality, and these changed the Legislative Branch
forever. HR 1, the Congressional Accountability Act of 1995 was the
first order of business and the first bill passed in the 104th
Congress. For the first time, the Legislative Branch was required to
comply with all the laws it had passed. True accountability was
achieved as Members had to live under the same laws they had thrust
onto Americans. [6]
The
other action was creating the Office of the Chief Administrative
Officer (CAO), which consolidated all non-parliamentary and
non-security functions within one office. It’s
mandate
was to reinvent the operations of Congress to make it
run
like a business, while being completely transparent and accountable.
This became the most comprehensive rethinking of Legislative Branch
operations since the first Congress met in 1789. Obsolete functions
were abolished, others were privatized.
Business
practices were institutionalized by a team of corporate
transformation experts, with the assistance of major accounting
firms. Another team of computer experts implemented the “Cyber
Congress”, which thrust House communications into the 21st
Century
in one giant leap. The result was a lean, customer-focused,
accountable operation that saved $186
million
and became the model for support services in 44 parliaments around
the world. The reforms were so thorough and effective, that they
remain in place to this day.
Gingrich’s
policy and budget confrontations with President Bill Clinton defined
the balance of his tenure. Government shutdowns and other
brinksmanship forced reforms in welfare and taxes, and reduced the
federal budget deficit.
Conservatives
became
concerned
over
Gingrich’s seeming loss of focus and the mounting attacks by
Democrats. House Appropriators angered conservatives over being
increasingly
enamored with spending and earmarks. House “revolutionaries”
tried to reverse things. On July 16, 1997 a small band of “true
believers”, along with Delay and Armey, mounted a revolt against
Gingrich. This ill-fated “palace coup” weakened both the plotters
and the Speaker. [7]
In
December 1998, after a disappointing showing in the November
elections, Gingrich announced he would not seek re-election as
Speaker and
would resign from the House. [8]
The
looming impeachment of Clinton over the Monica Lewinsky scandal
further confused the situation. Rep. Bob Livingston (R-LA), the Chair
of the Appropriations Committee and assumed to be the next Speaker,
shocked the Chamber by resigning as his own extramarital affair
became public. Amongst the chaos, Rep. Dennis Hastert (R-IL) became
Speaker. [9]
Since
leaving the House of Representatives, Gingrich remains an insightful
commentator and provocative thinker. Returning the House to the rule
of law, and being highly responsive
to
the
will of the voter, remain lasting historic achievements that
strengthened our democracy.
NOTES
[1]
A vivid chronicle of Reed’s battle for parliamentary integrity and
accountability can be found in Barbara Tuchman’s, The
Proud Tower.
Ballantine Books, 1962; pages 125-130
[2]
Faulkner,
Scot, Naked
Emperors.
Rowman & Littlefield, 2008; pages 81-82.
[3]
Ibid., page 25
[4]
Komarow, Steven (March 22, 1989).
"House
Republicans Elect Gingrich to No. 2 Spot, Chart Battle with
Democrats".
Associated
Press
[5]
Op. Cit. Faulkner p. 27.
[7]
Op. Cit., Faulkner p. 294.
8]
Gingrich,
Newt (1998). Lessons
Learned the Hard Way.
Harper
Collins Publishers. pp. 159–160.
[Scot
Faulkner advises corporations and governments on how to save billions
of dollars by achieving dramatic and sustainable cost reductions
while
improving operational and service excellence. He served as the Chief
Administrative Officer of the U.S. House of Representatives. He also
served on the White House Staff, and as an Executive Branch
Appointee.]
